Canada’s Compliance with Aid Effectiveness Principles
Major Research Paper
© Marje Aksli, Ottawa, Canada 2013
Conclusion
My major research paper at the University of Ottawa on
aid effectiveness was undertaken as a learning experience to exercise a more
deliberate and slower mode of thought in Canadian aid effectiveness studies
with an attempt to start a conversation on what institutional qualities relate
to donor aid effectiveness outcomes. The paper’s main goal was to fill a
quantitative knowledge gap in aid effectiveness scholarship by analysing
Canada’s relative position among its peers through the use of measurements of
aid effectiveness indicators.
The paper was composed of two parts: Part One sought
empirical evidence to support the claim often made that Canada has low
performance levels and is exhibiting a continual decline in aid effectiveness.
Part Two looked at the contributing factors to aid effectiveness.
Part One was stimulated by recent media headlines that
suggest Canada’s aid performance compares poorly to that of other donors. Headlines such as “New aid policies eroding
Canada's image: Partnerships with mining industry raise concerns about
international development priorities”, “Does cutting foreign aid threaten
Canada's reputation in the world”, and “CIDA is Breaking Canada's Promise to
the World” indicate that there seem to be two major trends in Canadian aid
conduct: Namely, the authors refer to a decline in aid performance over time
and to Canada’s loss of international reputation as a result. These headlines
also seem to suggest that when compared to other donors, Canada is performing
much worse.
In addition to critical media articles, the most
recent and thoroughly researched book on aid effectiveness entitled,
“Struggling for Effectiveness. CIDA and Canadian Foreign Aid” also concludes –
in the words of its editor Stephen Brown of University of Ottawa – that “all
the chapters point to the important deficiencies” and that “the portrait of
CIDA that emerges is one of profound mediocrity”. Hunter McGill goes further in
claiming: “the effectiveness of Canadian aid has been eroded” and “as a result,
Canada’s visibility and influence in foreign policy and aid spheres has ebbed
considerably”. Despite these claims, my analysis could not determine what
empirical data the authors are relying on to make these claims.
The analysis of OECD DAC data provided in the 2011
Survey on Monitoring the Paris Declaration suggests that among 22 donors, the
top performing country in aid effectiveness is Ireland and the least performing
country is either the U.S. or Korea, while Canada performs largely mid-range.
Depending on the type of recipient countries of Canadian aid, Canada’s rankings
change accordingly. For example, Canada performs slightly better when its aid
is allocated to the least developed countries (32-country data set), than when
the middle-income countries are included in the group (global snapshot).
Overall, Canada has improved its aid effectiveness results by 34 per cent since
2005.
The first two sections of Part One compared and
contrasted Canada’s relative position to other DAC donors. The central argument
of the comparison results was that while there are certainly ways that Canada
could improve its record, there is no need to lament about the loss of face
internationally – global donor compliance with aid effectiveness principles
varies quite significantly. Compared to 22 donors on average, Canada’s aid is
more effective by four percentage points across the indicators measured in
percentages.
Among the ten Paris Declaration indicators, Canada’s
results are mixed. In two indicators (3 and 4) Canada has actually backslid
during the five-year period, over 20 per cent in each case. Further, the data
suggest that compared to other donors on average, Canada performs relatively
better in the ‘alignment’ principle; aligning its aid policies according to the
national development strategies of recipient countries. The same cannot be
claimed of Canada’s performance in relation to the ‘harmonisation’ principle,
which requires foreign aid donors to coordinate their aid programs with each
other.
Specifically, Canada’s ‘alignment’ indicators show
higher results by 13 percentage points than that of donors on average and in
the ‘harmonisation’ indicators Canada’s average score lags behind by three
percentage points compared to the donors’ average.
While Canada made progress towards more effective aid
compared to the 2005 baseline, it did not meet the targets set for the donor
countries. Only three donors reached the set targets out of 22 indicating that
missing the international targets is a norm rather than an exception. Canada’s
gap in meeting the targets was smaller than the donor average in the 32-country
data set, and slightly wider in the global snapshot (or when all the recipient
countries are included). Compared to the average performance gap across the
donors, Canada does not seem to stand out.
Part Two of the research paper then attempted to
explain what could possibly explain the high aid effectiveness performance. It
described the recent aid effectiveness campaign as a tension between donors’
institutional incrementalism and a global pressure to ensure more altruistic
aid, free from politics. Rooted in institutional theory, the research viewed
aid effectiveness as a struggle between donors’ business-as-usual (where their
aid policies are closely linked with foreign policy interests on one hand and
idealist campaigns to be more generous on the other) and globalism, which – in
the form of the Paris Declaration – acted to divert donors from their path
dependency and attempted to ensure altruism and transparency in aid policies.
The aim of Part Two was to estimate what would
possibly explain the good aid effectiveness performance. The research used
correlations between the average scores of aid effectiveness and four proxy
measures for path-dependency and globalism. The aim was to see which of the
measures offers the strongest correlation coefficient, and can therefore
explain the outcome the best.
Based on a literature review, two proxy measures for
donor institutional path-dependency were chosen, including realist (measured as
ideology on the scale of ten) and idealist attitudes to aid (measured as
generosity of aid budget from GNI). On the other hand, two proxies were used
for globalism, as well, which was – in the aid effectiveness context –
conceptualised through altruism (the amount of aid to the LDCs) and
transparency measures (transparency and learning ranks by CGDev).
The main suggestion arising from this analysis is that
– while countries made progress in aid effectiveness indicators – the outcomes
do not seem to be related to donor altruism or transparency (as Paris
Declaration was conceptualised in this paper). Instead, the variables of the
institutional qualities, which offered the strongest correlation coefficients
with the aid effectiveness scores were the idealist / realist tendencies,
associated with donor’s path dependency or institutional incrementalism.
For example, the share of ODA/GNI (idealist approach
to aid) offered the highest correlation coefficient to aid effectiveness scores
across 22 donors, while being statistically significant. The second highest aid
effectiveness correlation coefficient with conservative ideology (realist
approach to aid) suggests that donors might progress in aid effectiveness while
being ideologically rather conservative.
As explained earlier, the Canadian government, which
can be considered as one of the most ideologically conservative among the DAC
donors at present, is argued to be viewing aid through an efficiency lens. The
Conservative Party of Canada tends to emphasise a more narrow understanding of
aid effectiveness: the efficiency or the “more bang for the buck”, attempting
to achieve maximum productivity with minimum wasted effort or expense.
Considering the positive and medium-strong correlation
coefficients between the conservative ideology and aid effectiveness outcomes,
the narrow productivity-lens on aid effectiveness might be in use among other
DAC donors, as well. But further research would be needed to shed more light to
this possible attitude towards aid effectiveness across DAC donors.
The very low correlation coefficient of transparency
variable seems to suggest that the Paris Declaration ‘mutual accountability’
principle or the international peer pressure, which can take place due to
donors’ openness, has not been significant force enough to ensure the change.
DAC donors’ aid institutions achieved only moderate change towards this global
initiative while remaining largely path-dependent.
This conclusion can be supported by the fact that the
overwhelming majority of donors did not meet their targets. Only three donors
met their respective aid effectiveness targets, suggesting that while the
progress towards more effective aid was made, it was not far-reaching enough.
Ultimately, though, further research is required about
what institutional qualities correlate well (and can therefore explain) a
donor’s foreign aid policy in terms of its effectiveness. Perhaps other
theories and other proxy measurements, e.g. inclusion of variable about aid
agencies’ subordination to foreign affairs and trade departments, offer
stronger correlations (negative or positive) for being able to tell a more
convincing story of donor aid effectiveness.
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